China’s Non-Linear Compliance with International Regimes: Cases on Disarmament, Intellectual Property Rights, and Peacekeeping Operation

博士 === 國立臺灣大學 === 政治學研究所 === 103 === To what extent has China redefined its interests and values that underpin its policy toward international regimes, while the interactions between China and international regimes have intensified since 1978? Drawing on international relations theory, the author co...

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Main Authors: Chihwei Yu, 游智偉
Other Authors: S. Philip Hsu
Format: Others
Language:zh-TW
Published: 2015
Online Access:http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/75g7pd
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description 博士 === 國立臺灣大學 === 政治學研究所 === 103 === To what extent has China redefined its interests and values that underpin its policy toward international regimes, while the interactions between China and international regimes have intensified since 1978? Drawing on international relations theory, the author constructs four models to explain China’s policy toward the international regimes in disarmament (DA), intellectual property rights (IPR) and peacekeeping operation (PKO). In order to explain the causes that make China’s compliance relatively low, the author tests two sets of hypothesis, including inner-based strategy and optimized confrontation models, according to the theoretical arguments related to cooperation through the lens of realism, liberal institutionalism and neo-liberalism (particularly on “simple learning”). In order to explore the factors leading to relatively high level of compliance by China, the author tests two sets of hypothesis, including value-oriented and interest-oriented models, through reviewing the ideas about cooperation in liberal institutionalism, neo-liberalism (particularly on “complex learning”) and social constructivism. The major empirical finding is that China’s policy toward DA and PKO regimes has been non-linear; China’s compliance has in general been rolling back since 2007. On the other hand, although China’s policy toward IPR regime is by and large linear, there are still several factors that may bring down China’s compliance level. Hence China’s compliance toward IPR regime is still uncertain in the long run. In the case of DA and PKO, China has never participated in those regimes or treaties which may impose substantive restrictions on China, while he expected gains in China’s national interest is the crucial variable influencing China’s decisions and behaviors. In the case of IPR, even though China’s compliance has been growing since 1978, China still tends to make as less commitment as possible, as revealed by this dissertation’s scrutiny of the nuances of China’s behaviors and policies. For those parts, a sound explanation of China’s policies revolves around the concept of adaptation, a notion grounded in realism. Simple learning argued by neo-liberalist may take place if China’s participation fits in its national interest. Yet this may not be the case for complex learning, unless China can ensure that security threat will not arise and that it is helpful to achieve its policy goals. Furthermore, the impact caused by “social influence” is greater than that of persuasion and mimicking, two concepts often cited in exploring the interaction between nation-states and international regimes. Finally, three points stand out from a synthesis of this dissertation’s myriad findings. First, if the choice of cooperation would help to achieve its policy objectives, China will be more likely to cooperate. Second, if signing treaties or participating in regimes would restrict its choices in other issue areas, China will consider its participating context more carefully. Third, the value differences between China and a given regime will dictate how to what degree China would internalize the related norms and rules into its domestic laws. On the other hand, as an emerging power at the global level, China often welcomes existing institutions and rules in the international society, because more often than not China earns vast benefits from those regimes. However, precisely because it is a rising power, China is not fully satisfied with the overall pattern of allocation of rights/benefits and obligations/duties by many existing regimes. As a result, China has found a third way, beyond total compliance or rejection, to deal with the current regimes, chiefly by making necessary modifications to the existing rules from the extant regimes which serve as the basis to create new ones that fit more squarely with its national interests.
author2 S. Philip Hsu
author_facet S. Philip Hsu
Chihwei Yu
游智偉
author Chihwei Yu
游智偉
spellingShingle Chihwei Yu
游智偉
China’s Non-Linear Compliance with International Regimes: Cases on Disarmament, Intellectual Property Rights, and Peacekeeping Operation
author_sort Chihwei Yu
title China’s Non-Linear Compliance with International Regimes: Cases on Disarmament, Intellectual Property Rights, and Peacekeeping Operation
title_short China’s Non-Linear Compliance with International Regimes: Cases on Disarmament, Intellectual Property Rights, and Peacekeeping Operation
title_full China’s Non-Linear Compliance with International Regimes: Cases on Disarmament, Intellectual Property Rights, and Peacekeeping Operation
title_fullStr China’s Non-Linear Compliance with International Regimes: Cases on Disarmament, Intellectual Property Rights, and Peacekeeping Operation
title_full_unstemmed China’s Non-Linear Compliance with International Regimes: Cases on Disarmament, Intellectual Property Rights, and Peacekeeping Operation
title_sort china’s non-linear compliance with international regimes: cases on disarmament, intellectual property rights, and peacekeeping operation
publishDate 2015
url http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/75g7pd
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spelling ndltd-TW-103NTU052270122019-05-15T22:17:24Z http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/75g7pd China’s Non-Linear Compliance with International Regimes: Cases on Disarmament, Intellectual Property Rights, and Peacekeeping Operation 中國對於國際典則的非線性遵循:參與裁軍、智慧財產權與維和行動的案例研究 Chihwei Yu 游智偉 博士 國立臺灣大學 政治學研究所 103 To what extent has China redefined its interests and values that underpin its policy toward international regimes, while the interactions between China and international regimes have intensified since 1978? Drawing on international relations theory, the author constructs four models to explain China’s policy toward the international regimes in disarmament (DA), intellectual property rights (IPR) and peacekeeping operation (PKO). In order to explain the causes that make China’s compliance relatively low, the author tests two sets of hypothesis, including inner-based strategy and optimized confrontation models, according to the theoretical arguments related to cooperation through the lens of realism, liberal institutionalism and neo-liberalism (particularly on “simple learning”). In order to explore the factors leading to relatively high level of compliance by China, the author tests two sets of hypothesis, including value-oriented and interest-oriented models, through reviewing the ideas about cooperation in liberal institutionalism, neo-liberalism (particularly on “complex learning”) and social constructivism. The major empirical finding is that China’s policy toward DA and PKO regimes has been non-linear; China’s compliance has in general been rolling back since 2007. On the other hand, although China’s policy toward IPR regime is by and large linear, there are still several factors that may bring down China’s compliance level. Hence China’s compliance toward IPR regime is still uncertain in the long run. In the case of DA and PKO, China has never participated in those regimes or treaties which may impose substantive restrictions on China, while he expected gains in China’s national interest is the crucial variable influencing China’s decisions and behaviors. In the case of IPR, even though China’s compliance has been growing since 1978, China still tends to make as less commitment as possible, as revealed by this dissertation’s scrutiny of the nuances of China’s behaviors and policies. For those parts, a sound explanation of China’s policies revolves around the concept of adaptation, a notion grounded in realism. Simple learning argued by neo-liberalist may take place if China’s participation fits in its national interest. Yet this may not be the case for complex learning, unless China can ensure that security threat will not arise and that it is helpful to achieve its policy goals. Furthermore, the impact caused by “social influence” is greater than that of persuasion and mimicking, two concepts often cited in exploring the interaction between nation-states and international regimes. Finally, three points stand out from a synthesis of this dissertation’s myriad findings. First, if the choice of cooperation would help to achieve its policy objectives, China will be more likely to cooperate. Second, if signing treaties or participating in regimes would restrict its choices in other issue areas, China will consider its participating context more carefully. Third, the value differences between China and a given regime will dictate how to what degree China would internalize the related norms and rules into its domestic laws. On the other hand, as an emerging power at the global level, China often welcomes existing institutions and rules in the international society, because more often than not China earns vast benefits from those regimes. However, precisely because it is a rising power, China is not fully satisfied with the overall pattern of allocation of rights/benefits and obligations/duties by many existing regimes. As a result, China has found a third way, beyond total compliance or rejection, to deal with the current regimes, chiefly by making necessary modifications to the existing rules from the extant regimes which serve as the basis to create new ones that fit more squarely with its national interests. S. Philip Hsu 徐斯勤 2015 學位論文 ; thesis 382 zh-TW