Lectal differences in Daman Indo-Portuguese
The differences between basilectal and acrolectal varieties of a creole language are often identified, not only by lexical differences, but also by differences in verbal forms (e.g. [gɪv], [gɪ], [gi:] for ‘give’, or pronominal forms (e.g. [hɪm], [ɪm], [hɪ], [hi:], [æm] for ‘him’, from Guyana Creole...
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Associação de Crioulos de Base Lexical Portuguesa e Espanhola
2014-12-01
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Online Access: | http://www.acblpe.com/revista/volume-5-2014/lectal-differences-in-daman-indo-portuguese |
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doaj-3dc392e5f2b4423193670eee79a91ebd2020-12-08T21:54:31ZengAssociação de Crioulos de Base Lexical Portuguesa e EspanholaJournal of Ibero-Romance Creoles2184-53602014-12-015115156Lectal differences in Daman Indo-PortugueseJ. Clancy Clements0Indiana UniversityThe differences between basilectal and acrolectal varieties of a creole language are often identified, not only by lexical differences, but also by differences in verbal forms (e.g. [gɪv], [gɪ], [gi:] for ‘give’, or pronominal forms (e.g. [hɪm], [ɪm], [hɪ], [hi:], [æm] for ‘him’, from Guyana Creole English). This is also true for the lectal differences found in Daman Indo-Portuguese (DamanIP): the verb form dis (< Ptg. disse ‘s/he said’) is used in the acrolectal variety instead of faló (< Ptg. falou ‘s/he spoke’) ‘said’; the past-tense verb form ʋey ‘came’ (< Ptg. veio ‘s/he came’) is the acrolectal analog to basilectal djayo ‘came’, and the 3p pronominal form ilz (< Ptg. eles ‘they-M’) the acrolectal analog to basilectal ilot ‘they’. This study examines another trait of acrolectal DamanIP: the avoidance of the 2s familiar pronominal subject pronouns, which has led to the leveling of the familiar-formal distinction in the acrolectal variety of DamanIP. http://www.acblpe.com/revista/volume-5-2014/lectal-differences-in-daman-indo-portugueseacrolectbasilectdaman indo-portugueseindo-portuguesecreole continuum |
collection |
DOAJ |
language |
English |
format |
Article |
sources |
DOAJ |
author |
J. Clancy Clements |
spellingShingle |
J. Clancy Clements Lectal differences in Daman Indo-Portuguese Journal of Ibero-Romance Creoles acrolect basilect daman indo-portuguese indo-portuguese creole continuum |
author_facet |
J. Clancy Clements |
author_sort |
J. Clancy Clements |
title |
Lectal differences in Daman Indo-Portuguese |
title_short |
Lectal differences in Daman Indo-Portuguese |
title_full |
Lectal differences in Daman Indo-Portuguese |
title_fullStr |
Lectal differences in Daman Indo-Portuguese |
title_full_unstemmed |
Lectal differences in Daman Indo-Portuguese |
title_sort |
lectal differences in daman indo-portuguese |
publisher |
Associação de Crioulos de Base Lexical Portuguesa e Espanhola |
series |
Journal of Ibero-Romance Creoles |
issn |
2184-5360 |
publishDate |
2014-12-01 |
description |
The differences between basilectal and acrolectal varieties of a creole language are often identified, not only by lexical differences, but also by differences in verbal forms (e.g. [gɪv], [gɪ], [gi:] for ‘give’, or pronominal forms (e.g. [hɪm], [ɪm], [hɪ], [hi:], [æm] for ‘him’, from Guyana Creole English). This is also true for the lectal differences found in Daman Indo-Portuguese (DamanIP): the verb form dis (< Ptg. disse ‘s/he said’) is used in the acrolectal variety instead of faló (< Ptg. falou ‘s/he spoke’) ‘said’; the past-tense verb form ʋey ‘came’ (< Ptg. veio ‘s/he came’) is the acrolectal analog to basilectal djayo ‘came’, and the 3p pronominal form ilz (< Ptg. eles ‘they-M’) the acrolectal analog to basilectal ilot ‘they’. This study examines another trait of acrolectal DamanIP: the avoidance of the 2s familiar pronominal subject pronouns, which has led to the leveling of the familiar-formal distinction in the acrolectal variety of DamanIP. |
topic |
acrolect basilect daman indo-portuguese indo-portuguese creole continuum |
url |
http://www.acblpe.com/revista/volume-5-2014/lectal-differences-in-daman-indo-portuguese |
work_keys_str_mv |
AT jclancyclements lectaldifferencesindamanindoportuguese |
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