Talker-specific generalization of pragmatic inferences based on under- and over-informative prenominal adjective use

According to Grice’s (1975) Maxim of Quantity, rational talkers formulate their utterances to be as economical as possible while conveying all necessary information. Naturally produced referential expressions, however, often contain more or less information than what is predicted to be optimal given...

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Main Authors: Amanda ePogue, Chigusa eKurumada, Michael K Tanenhaus
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: Frontiers Media S.A. 2016-01-01
Series:Frontiers in Psychology
Subjects:
Online Access:http://journal.frontiersin.org/Journal/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.02035/full
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spelling doaj-56f67644ab134fb8b7f89d4bd28660622020-11-25T00:03:34ZengFrontiers Media S.A.Frontiers in Psychology1664-10782016-01-01610.3389/fpsyg.2015.02035166499Talker-specific generalization of pragmatic inferences based on under- and over-informative prenominal adjective useAmanda ePogue0Chigusa eKurumada1Michael K Tanenhaus2Michael K Tanenhaus3University of RochesterUniversity of RochesterUniversity of RochesterUniversity of RochesterAccording to Grice’s (1975) Maxim of Quantity, rational talkers formulate their utterances to be as economical as possible while conveying all necessary information. Naturally produced referential expressions, however, often contain more or less information than what is predicted to be optimal given a rational speaker model. How do listeners cope with these variations in the linguistic input? We argue that listeners navigate the variability in referential resolution by calibrating their expectations for the amount of linguistic signal to be expended for a certain meaning and by doing so in a context- or a talker-specific manner. Focusing on talker-specificity, we present four experiments. We first establish that speakers will generalize information from a single pair of adjectives to unseen adjectives in a speaker-specific manner (Experiment 1). Initially focusing on exposure to underspecified utterances, Experiment 2 examines: a) the dimension of generalization; b) effects of the strength of the evidence (implicit or explicit); and c) individual differences in dimensions of generalization. Experiments 3 and 4 ask parallel questions for exposure to over-specified utterances, where we predict more conservative generalization because, in spontaneous utterances, talkers are more likely to over-modify than under-modify.http://journal.frontiersin.org/Journal/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.02035/fulladaptationsentence processinggeneralizationpragmaticsInformativityReferential expressions
collection DOAJ
language English
format Article
sources DOAJ
author Amanda ePogue
Chigusa eKurumada
Michael K Tanenhaus
Michael K Tanenhaus
spellingShingle Amanda ePogue
Chigusa eKurumada
Michael K Tanenhaus
Michael K Tanenhaus
Talker-specific generalization of pragmatic inferences based on under- and over-informative prenominal adjective use
Frontiers in Psychology
adaptation
sentence processing
generalization
pragmatics
Informativity
Referential expressions
author_facet Amanda ePogue
Chigusa eKurumada
Michael K Tanenhaus
Michael K Tanenhaus
author_sort Amanda ePogue
title Talker-specific generalization of pragmatic inferences based on under- and over-informative prenominal adjective use
title_short Talker-specific generalization of pragmatic inferences based on under- and over-informative prenominal adjective use
title_full Talker-specific generalization of pragmatic inferences based on under- and over-informative prenominal adjective use
title_fullStr Talker-specific generalization of pragmatic inferences based on under- and over-informative prenominal adjective use
title_full_unstemmed Talker-specific generalization of pragmatic inferences based on under- and over-informative prenominal adjective use
title_sort talker-specific generalization of pragmatic inferences based on under- and over-informative prenominal adjective use
publisher Frontiers Media S.A.
series Frontiers in Psychology
issn 1664-1078
publishDate 2016-01-01
description According to Grice’s (1975) Maxim of Quantity, rational talkers formulate their utterances to be as economical as possible while conveying all necessary information. Naturally produced referential expressions, however, often contain more or less information than what is predicted to be optimal given a rational speaker model. How do listeners cope with these variations in the linguistic input? We argue that listeners navigate the variability in referential resolution by calibrating their expectations for the amount of linguistic signal to be expended for a certain meaning and by doing so in a context- or a talker-specific manner. Focusing on talker-specificity, we present four experiments. We first establish that speakers will generalize information from a single pair of adjectives to unseen adjectives in a speaker-specific manner (Experiment 1). Initially focusing on exposure to underspecified utterances, Experiment 2 examines: a) the dimension of generalization; b) effects of the strength of the evidence (implicit or explicit); and c) individual differences in dimensions of generalization. Experiments 3 and 4 ask parallel questions for exposure to over-specified utterances, where we predict more conservative generalization because, in spontaneous utterances, talkers are more likely to over-modify than under-modify.
topic adaptation
sentence processing
generalization
pragmatics
Informativity
Referential expressions
url http://journal.frontiersin.org/Journal/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.02035/full
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