Le peuple est-il soluble dans la constitution ? Leçons tunisiennes

The purpose of our article is to elucidate the case of Tunisia, namely the transition from revolutionary moment when the people wanted a revolution, to constitutional moment, when the people-as-an-event became the people-as-areferent through the establishment of mechanisms of representation. Followi...

Full description

Bibliographic Details
Main Author: Jean-Philippe Bras
Format: Article
Language:fra
Published: CNRS Éditions 2012-10-01
Series:L’Année du Maghreb
Subjects:
Online Access:http://journals.openedition.org/anneemaghreb/1423
id doaj-57bb7372d04e4b0b90a79f82eee9cbe1
record_format Article
spelling doaj-57bb7372d04e4b0b90a79f82eee9cbe12020-11-25T01:33:07ZfraCNRS ÉditionsL’Année du Maghreb1952-81082109-94052012-10-01810311910.4000/anneemaghreb.1423Le peuple est-il soluble dans la constitution ? Leçons tunisiennesJean-Philippe BrasThe purpose of our article is to elucidate the case of Tunisia, namely the transition from revolutionary moment when the people wanted a revolution, to constitutional moment, when the people-as-an-event became the people-as-areferent through the establishment of mechanisms of representation. Following an initial phase when the pressure of the street or rural areas was fully exercised on political bodies whose frail legitimacy was cobbled together from scraps of old constitutional order and a vague ambition to take on the revolutionary claim, the people who engaged in the revolution fell apart. They agreed to give up their “revolutionary status” and appoint an authority to continue the process of political change. In this act of surrender, they inevitably met with democratic disappointment and uncertainty about representation through elections. Also, the day after their election, members of the Constituent Assembly were faced with virulent debates on the scope and duration of the mandate entrusted to them by the voting people, who expressed their fear of having the revolution confiscated by poll winners (mainly members of the Islamic party Ennahda), who had not been, far from it, major players in the revolutionary moment. While the law of majority is a prerequisite for the establishment of democratic regimes, as Adam Przeworski recalled, it can only be justified ultimately by the co-presence of alternation mechanisms. In addition, as Hans Kelsen pointed out, the system must be supplemented by the establishment of a Constitutional Court, whose threat to intervene forces majority and minority parliamentarians to compromise. There are good reasons to observe closely how this omnipotent Constituent Assembly will exercise its constitutional and legislative mandate, and set the dates for organizing future legislative elections.http://journals.openedition.org/anneemaghreb/1423Tunisiaconstitutionpeoplerevolutiontransition
collection DOAJ
language fra
format Article
sources DOAJ
author Jean-Philippe Bras
spellingShingle Jean-Philippe Bras
Le peuple est-il soluble dans la constitution ? Leçons tunisiennes
L’Année du Maghreb
Tunisia
constitution
people
revolution
transition
author_facet Jean-Philippe Bras
author_sort Jean-Philippe Bras
title Le peuple est-il soluble dans la constitution ? Leçons tunisiennes
title_short Le peuple est-il soluble dans la constitution ? Leçons tunisiennes
title_full Le peuple est-il soluble dans la constitution ? Leçons tunisiennes
title_fullStr Le peuple est-il soluble dans la constitution ? Leçons tunisiennes
title_full_unstemmed Le peuple est-il soluble dans la constitution ? Leçons tunisiennes
title_sort le peuple est-il soluble dans la constitution ? leçons tunisiennes
publisher CNRS Éditions
series L’Année du Maghreb
issn 1952-8108
2109-9405
publishDate 2012-10-01
description The purpose of our article is to elucidate the case of Tunisia, namely the transition from revolutionary moment when the people wanted a revolution, to constitutional moment, when the people-as-an-event became the people-as-areferent through the establishment of mechanisms of representation. Following an initial phase when the pressure of the street or rural areas was fully exercised on political bodies whose frail legitimacy was cobbled together from scraps of old constitutional order and a vague ambition to take on the revolutionary claim, the people who engaged in the revolution fell apart. They agreed to give up their “revolutionary status” and appoint an authority to continue the process of political change. In this act of surrender, they inevitably met with democratic disappointment and uncertainty about representation through elections. Also, the day after their election, members of the Constituent Assembly were faced with virulent debates on the scope and duration of the mandate entrusted to them by the voting people, who expressed their fear of having the revolution confiscated by poll winners (mainly members of the Islamic party Ennahda), who had not been, far from it, major players in the revolutionary moment. While the law of majority is a prerequisite for the establishment of democratic regimes, as Adam Przeworski recalled, it can only be justified ultimately by the co-presence of alternation mechanisms. In addition, as Hans Kelsen pointed out, the system must be supplemented by the establishment of a Constitutional Court, whose threat to intervene forces majority and minority parliamentarians to compromise. There are good reasons to observe closely how this omnipotent Constituent Assembly will exercise its constitutional and legislative mandate, and set the dates for organizing future legislative elections.
topic Tunisia
constitution
people
revolution
transition
url http://journals.openedition.org/anneemaghreb/1423
work_keys_str_mv AT jeanphilippebras lepeupleestilsolubledanslaconstitutionleconstunisiennes
_version_ 1725079159499128832