Agreement and the structure of relative clauses
The paper proposes an account of asymmetries in agreement patterns that obtain in restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses headed by hybrid agreement nouns 'd(j)eca '‘children’, 'braća '‘brothers’, and 'gospoda '‘gentry’ in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS). We not...
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doaj-a8f71d4a56ca48cc9205bf17428bf3db2021-09-02T12:42:36ZengOpen Library of HumanitiesGlossa2397-18352016-07-011110.5334/gjgl.1218Agreement and the structure of relative clausesBoban Arsenijević0Martina Gračanin-Yuksek1University of NišMiddle East Technical UniversityThe paper proposes an account of asymmetries in agreement patterns that obtain in restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses headed by hybrid agreement nouns 'd(j)eca '‘children’, 'braća '‘brothers’, and 'gospoda '‘gentry’ in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS). We note that relative clauses headed by hybrid nouns display different possibilities of agreement morphology on the relative pronoun 'koji/a/e '‘which’, depending, on the one hand, on whether the relative clause is restrictive or non-restrictive and on the other, on the case of the relative pronoun. We argue that the observed differences are the result of a conspiracy of the following factors: (i) hybrid number-agreement nouns introduce a null plural pronoun unspecified for gender (Postal 1966; den Dikken 2001; Torrego and Laga 2015), (ii) all plural case forms of the relative pronoun except for nominative and accusative show full gender syncretism (Alsina and Arsenijević 2012b), and (iii) non-restrictive relative clauses involve a null definite pronoun and attach to the head noun higher than the restrictive relative clauses (Postal 1994; de Vries 2002; 2006). We maintain that the facts discussed in the paper argue against analyses which derive the differences between restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses from their LF representations, rather than from their overt syntax.http://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/12restrictive relative clausesnon-restrictive relative clauseshybrid nounsagreementnull plural pronoun |
collection |
DOAJ |
language |
English |
format |
Article |
sources |
DOAJ |
author |
Boban Arsenijević Martina Gračanin-Yuksek |
spellingShingle |
Boban Arsenijević Martina Gračanin-Yuksek Agreement and the structure of relative clauses Glossa restrictive relative clauses non-restrictive relative clauses hybrid nouns agreement null plural pronoun |
author_facet |
Boban Arsenijević Martina Gračanin-Yuksek |
author_sort |
Boban Arsenijević |
title |
Agreement and the structure of relative clauses |
title_short |
Agreement and the structure of relative clauses |
title_full |
Agreement and the structure of relative clauses |
title_fullStr |
Agreement and the structure of relative clauses |
title_full_unstemmed |
Agreement and the structure of relative clauses |
title_sort |
agreement and the structure of relative clauses |
publisher |
Open Library of Humanities |
series |
Glossa |
issn |
2397-1835 |
publishDate |
2016-07-01 |
description |
The paper proposes an account of asymmetries in agreement patterns that obtain in restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses headed by hybrid agreement nouns 'd(j)eca '‘children’, 'braća '‘brothers’, and 'gospoda '‘gentry’ in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS). We note that relative clauses headed by hybrid nouns display different possibilities of agreement morphology on the relative pronoun 'koji/a/e '‘which’, depending, on the one hand, on whether the relative clause is restrictive or non-restrictive and on the other, on the case of the relative pronoun. We argue that the observed differences are the result of a conspiracy of the following factors: (i) hybrid number-agreement nouns introduce a null plural pronoun unspecified for gender (Postal 1966; den Dikken 2001; Torrego and Laga 2015), (ii) all plural case forms of the relative pronoun except for nominative and accusative show full gender syncretism (Alsina and Arsenijević 2012b), and (iii) non-restrictive relative clauses involve a null definite pronoun and attach to the head noun higher than the restrictive relative clauses (Postal 1994; de Vries 2002; 2006). We maintain that the facts discussed in the paper argue against analyses which derive the differences between restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses from their LF representations, rather than from their overt syntax. |
topic |
restrictive relative clauses non-restrictive relative clauses hybrid nouns agreement null plural pronoun |
url |
http://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/12 |
work_keys_str_mv |
AT bobanarsenijevic agreementandthestructureofrelativeclauses AT martinagracaninyuksek agreementandthestructureofrelativeclauses |
_version_ |
1721175408931504128 |