Agreement and the structure of relative clauses

The paper proposes an account of asymmetries in agreement patterns that obtain in restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses headed by hybrid agreement nouns 'd(j)eca '‘children’, 'braća '‘brothers’, and 'gospoda '‘gentry’ in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS). We not...

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Main Authors: Boban Arsenijević, Martina Gračanin-Yuksek
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: Open Library of Humanities 2016-07-01
Series:Glossa
Subjects:
Online Access:http://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/12
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spelling doaj-a8f71d4a56ca48cc9205bf17428bf3db2021-09-02T12:42:36ZengOpen Library of HumanitiesGlossa2397-18352016-07-011110.5334/gjgl.1218Agreement and the structure of relative clausesBoban Arsenijević0Martina Gračanin-Yuksek1University of NišMiddle East Technical UniversityThe paper proposes an account of asymmetries in agreement patterns that obtain in restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses headed by hybrid agreement nouns 'd(j)eca '‘children’, 'braća '‘brothers’, and 'gospoda '‘gentry’ in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS). We note that relative clauses headed by hybrid nouns display different possibilities of agreement morphology on the relative pronoun 'koji/a/e '‘which’, depending, on the one hand, on whether the relative clause is restrictive or non-restrictive and on the other, on the case of the relative pronoun. We argue that the observed differences are the result of a conspiracy of the following factors: (i) hybrid number-agreement nouns introduce a null plural pronoun unspecified for gender (Postal 1966; den Dikken 2001; Torrego and Laga 2015), (ii) all plural case forms of the relative pronoun except for nominative and accusative show full gender syncretism (Alsina and Arsenijević 2012b), and (iii) non-restrictive relative clauses involve a null definite pronoun and attach to the head noun higher than the restrictive relative clauses (Postal 1994; de Vries 2002; 2006). We maintain that the facts discussed in the paper argue against analyses which derive the differences between restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses from their LF representations, rather than from their overt syntax.http://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/12restrictive relative clausesnon-restrictive relative clauseshybrid nounsagreementnull plural pronoun
collection DOAJ
language English
format Article
sources DOAJ
author Boban Arsenijević
Martina Gračanin-Yuksek
spellingShingle Boban Arsenijević
Martina Gračanin-Yuksek
Agreement and the structure of relative clauses
Glossa
restrictive relative clauses
non-restrictive relative clauses
hybrid nouns
agreement
null plural pronoun
author_facet Boban Arsenijević
Martina Gračanin-Yuksek
author_sort Boban Arsenijević
title Agreement and the structure of relative clauses
title_short Agreement and the structure of relative clauses
title_full Agreement and the structure of relative clauses
title_fullStr Agreement and the structure of relative clauses
title_full_unstemmed Agreement and the structure of relative clauses
title_sort agreement and the structure of relative clauses
publisher Open Library of Humanities
series Glossa
issn 2397-1835
publishDate 2016-07-01
description The paper proposes an account of asymmetries in agreement patterns that obtain in restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses headed by hybrid agreement nouns 'd(j)eca '‘children’, 'braća '‘brothers’, and 'gospoda '‘gentry’ in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS). We note that relative clauses headed by hybrid nouns display different possibilities of agreement morphology on the relative pronoun 'koji/a/e '‘which’, depending, on the one hand, on whether the relative clause is restrictive or non-restrictive and on the other, on the case of the relative pronoun. We argue that the observed differences are the result of a conspiracy of the following factors: (i) hybrid number-agreement nouns introduce a null plural pronoun unspecified for gender (Postal 1966; den Dikken 2001; Torrego and Laga 2015), (ii) all plural case forms of the relative pronoun except for nominative and accusative show full gender syncretism (Alsina and Arsenijević 2012b), and (iii) non-restrictive relative clauses involve a null definite pronoun and attach to the head noun higher than the restrictive relative clauses (Postal 1994; de Vries 2002; 2006). We maintain that the facts discussed in the paper argue against analyses which derive the differences between restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses from their LF representations, rather than from their overt syntax.
topic restrictive relative clauses
non-restrictive relative clauses
hybrid nouns
agreement
null plural pronoun
url http://www.glossa-journal.org/articles/12
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AT martinagracaninyuksek agreementandthestructureofrelativeclauses
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