Medieval Slavic-German Bilingualism in the Light of Austrian Hybrid Proper Names

Examining the medieval Slavic-German bilingualism on the territory of present-day Austria, one should differentiate bilingualism of a territory (i. e. coexistence, within an area, of speakers of two different languages, each speaking one language) from individual bilingualism (capacity of an individ...

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Main Author: Georg Holzer
Format: Article
Language:Russian
Published: Izdatelstvo Uralskogo Universiteta 2015-06-01
Series:Voprosy Onomastiki
Subjects:
Online Access:http://onomastics.ru/sites/default/files/doi/10.15826/vopr_onom.2015.1.001.pdf
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spelling doaj-e4806d9a9ed74f979ddd49509514209d2020-11-24T22:40:32ZrusIzdatelstvo Uralskogo UniversitetaVoprosy Onomastiki1994-24001994-24512015-06-0112171610.15826/vopr_onom.2015.1.001Medieval Slavic-German Bilingualism in the Light of Austrian Hybrid Proper NamesGeorg Holzer0University of ViennaExamining the medieval Slavic-German bilingualism on the territory of present-day Austria, one should differentiate bilingualism of a territory (i. e. coexistence, within an area, of speakers of two different languages, each speaking one language) from individual bilingualism (capacity of an individual to speak two languages). The paper deals with the question whether it is possible to prove the Slavic-German individual bilingualism in the Middle Ages based on the study of hybrid proper names. The author argues that only calques (e. g., Tobropotoch < Slavic *Dobropotokъ corresponding to OHG Guotpach) and mixed name systems (e.g., Ötscher < Slavic *otьčanъ ‘godfather’ ~ Muhmenalpe, or Sierning < Slavic *čьrnik- ~ Weißenbach) represent reliable onomastic evidence of medieval Slavic-German individual bilingualism in the studied area. The same could be true for attributive compounds like Fohnsdorf (‘Ban’s village’; Ban < Slavic *banъ) if there never existed in German an appellative noun *Fohn as a loan from Slavic *banъ, cf. the appellative loan Suppan (< Slavic *županъ) which is a part of the name Suppanshofstatt. Neither “nuncupative” compounds like Retzbach (cf.: amnis qui Retse nuncupatur, 1209; Retse < Slavic *rěcě, L Sg. of *rěka) can be viewed as an evidence of individual bilingualism. The author shows that the same is true for Slavic names with German suffixes like Loising (from germanized *Leubsa < Slavic *Ljubьča, i. e. *vьsь ‘village of *Ljubьcь’), compound names with German first and Slavic second elements like Niederfeister (Feister < Slavic *bystra ‘rapid, transparent’, i. e. *rěka), “ping-pong loans” like Lossnitz (< Slavic *losьnica from Slavic *losъ < OHG/MHG lôz ‘lot’) and secondary hybrids, e. g., Slavic *brězьnikъ ‘Birch-’ > German *Friesnik, modified by folk etymology into a compound name Friesenegg.http://onomastics.ru/sites/default/files/doi/10.15826/vopr_onom.2015.1.001.pdfSlavicGermanbilingualismAustrianameshybrid namesloan translation
collection DOAJ
language Russian
format Article
sources DOAJ
author Georg Holzer
spellingShingle Georg Holzer
Medieval Slavic-German Bilingualism in the Light of Austrian Hybrid Proper Names
Voprosy Onomastiki
Slavic
German
bilingualism
Austria
names
hybrid names
loan translation
author_facet Georg Holzer
author_sort Georg Holzer
title Medieval Slavic-German Bilingualism in the Light of Austrian Hybrid Proper Names
title_short Medieval Slavic-German Bilingualism in the Light of Austrian Hybrid Proper Names
title_full Medieval Slavic-German Bilingualism in the Light of Austrian Hybrid Proper Names
title_fullStr Medieval Slavic-German Bilingualism in the Light of Austrian Hybrid Proper Names
title_full_unstemmed Medieval Slavic-German Bilingualism in the Light of Austrian Hybrid Proper Names
title_sort medieval slavic-german bilingualism in the light of austrian hybrid proper names
publisher Izdatelstvo Uralskogo Universiteta
series Voprosy Onomastiki
issn 1994-2400
1994-2451
publishDate 2015-06-01
description Examining the medieval Slavic-German bilingualism on the territory of present-day Austria, one should differentiate bilingualism of a territory (i. e. coexistence, within an area, of speakers of two different languages, each speaking one language) from individual bilingualism (capacity of an individual to speak two languages). The paper deals with the question whether it is possible to prove the Slavic-German individual bilingualism in the Middle Ages based on the study of hybrid proper names. The author argues that only calques (e. g., Tobropotoch < Slavic *Dobropotokъ corresponding to OHG Guotpach) and mixed name systems (e.g., Ötscher < Slavic *otьčanъ ‘godfather’ ~ Muhmenalpe, or Sierning < Slavic *čьrnik- ~ Weißenbach) represent reliable onomastic evidence of medieval Slavic-German individual bilingualism in the studied area. The same could be true for attributive compounds like Fohnsdorf (‘Ban’s village’; Ban < Slavic *banъ) if there never existed in German an appellative noun *Fohn as a loan from Slavic *banъ, cf. the appellative loan Suppan (< Slavic *županъ) which is a part of the name Suppanshofstatt. Neither “nuncupative” compounds like Retzbach (cf.: amnis qui Retse nuncupatur, 1209; Retse < Slavic *rěcě, L Sg. of *rěka) can be viewed as an evidence of individual bilingualism. The author shows that the same is true for Slavic names with German suffixes like Loising (from germanized *Leubsa < Slavic *Ljubьča, i. e. *vьsь ‘village of *Ljubьcь’), compound names with German first and Slavic second elements like Niederfeister (Feister < Slavic *bystra ‘rapid, transparent’, i. e. *rěka), “ping-pong loans” like Lossnitz (< Slavic *losьnica from Slavic *losъ < OHG/MHG lôz ‘lot’) and secondary hybrids, e. g., Slavic *brězьnikъ ‘Birch-’ > German *Friesnik, modified by folk etymology into a compound name Friesenegg.
topic Slavic
German
bilingualism
Austria
names
hybrid names
loan translation
url http://onomastics.ru/sites/default/files/doi/10.15826/vopr_onom.2015.1.001.pdf
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