On the Nature of Clitics and Their Sensitivity to Number Attraction Effects

Pronominal dependencies have been shown to be more resilient to attraction effects than subject-verb agreement. We use this phenomenon to investigate whether antecedent-clitic dependencies in Spanish are computed like agreement or like pronominal dependencies. In Experiment 1, an acceptability judgm...

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Main Authors: Mikel Santesteban, Adam Zawiszewski, Kepa Erdocia, Itziar Laka
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: Frontiers Media S.A. 2017-09-01
Series:Frontiers in Psychology
Subjects:
Online Access:http://journal.frontiersin.org/article/10.3389/fpsyg.2017.01470/full
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spelling doaj-ec311f80895e4b8d8700f78625e286c22020-11-24T22:22:53ZengFrontiers Media S.A.Frontiers in Psychology1664-10782017-09-01810.3389/fpsyg.2017.01470255927On the Nature of Clitics and Their Sensitivity to Number Attraction EffectsMikel SantestebanAdam ZawiszewskiKepa ErdociaItziar LakaPronominal dependencies have been shown to be more resilient to attraction effects than subject-verb agreement. We use this phenomenon to investigate whether antecedent-clitic dependencies in Spanish are computed like agreement or like pronominal dependencies. In Experiment 1, an acceptability judgment self-paced reading task was used. Accuracy data yielded reliable attraction effects in both grammatical and ungrammatical sentences, only in singular (but not plural) clitics. Reading times did not show reliable attraction effects. In Experiment 2, we measured electrophysiological responses to violations, which elicited a biphasic frontal negativity-P600 pattern. Number attraction modulated the frontal negativity but not the amplitude of the P600 component. This differs from ERP findings on subject-verb agreement, since when the baseline matching condition obtained a biphasic pattern, attraction effects only modulated the P600, not the preceding negativity. We argue that these findings support cue-retrieval accounts of dependency resolution and further suggest that the sensitivity to attraction effects shown by clitics resembles more the computation of pronominal dependencies than that of agreement.http://journal.frontiersin.org/article/10.3389/fpsyg.2017.01470/fullcliticsagreementpronounsobject agreementattraction effectssentence processing
collection DOAJ
language English
format Article
sources DOAJ
author Mikel Santesteban
Adam Zawiszewski
Kepa Erdocia
Itziar Laka
spellingShingle Mikel Santesteban
Adam Zawiszewski
Kepa Erdocia
Itziar Laka
On the Nature of Clitics and Their Sensitivity to Number Attraction Effects
Frontiers in Psychology
clitics
agreement
pronouns
object agreement
attraction effects
sentence processing
author_facet Mikel Santesteban
Adam Zawiszewski
Kepa Erdocia
Itziar Laka
author_sort Mikel Santesteban
title On the Nature of Clitics and Their Sensitivity to Number Attraction Effects
title_short On the Nature of Clitics and Their Sensitivity to Number Attraction Effects
title_full On the Nature of Clitics and Their Sensitivity to Number Attraction Effects
title_fullStr On the Nature of Clitics and Their Sensitivity to Number Attraction Effects
title_full_unstemmed On the Nature of Clitics and Their Sensitivity to Number Attraction Effects
title_sort on the nature of clitics and their sensitivity to number attraction effects
publisher Frontiers Media S.A.
series Frontiers in Psychology
issn 1664-1078
publishDate 2017-09-01
description Pronominal dependencies have been shown to be more resilient to attraction effects than subject-verb agreement. We use this phenomenon to investigate whether antecedent-clitic dependencies in Spanish are computed like agreement or like pronominal dependencies. In Experiment 1, an acceptability judgment self-paced reading task was used. Accuracy data yielded reliable attraction effects in both grammatical and ungrammatical sentences, only in singular (but not plural) clitics. Reading times did not show reliable attraction effects. In Experiment 2, we measured electrophysiological responses to violations, which elicited a biphasic frontal negativity-P600 pattern. Number attraction modulated the frontal negativity but not the amplitude of the P600 component. This differs from ERP findings on subject-verb agreement, since when the baseline matching condition obtained a biphasic pattern, attraction effects only modulated the P600, not the preceding negativity. We argue that these findings support cue-retrieval accounts of dependency resolution and further suggest that the sensitivity to attraction effects shown by clitics resembles more the computation of pronominal dependencies than that of agreement.
topic clitics
agreement
pronouns
object agreement
attraction effects
sentence processing
url http://journal.frontiersin.org/article/10.3389/fpsyg.2017.01470/full
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