How often do people vote while incarcerated? Evidence from Maine and Vermont

Recent debates about enfranchising incarcerated people raise the question of how many additional votes such policies would generate. Existing research finds very low voter participation among previously incarcerated people, but it remains unclear how often people might vote from prison if given the...

Full description

Bibliographic Details
Main Authors: White, Ariel R. (Author), Nguyen, Avery (Author)
Other Authors: Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Political Science (Contributor)
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: University of Chicago Press, 2021-11-24T15:36:42Z.
Subjects:
Online Access:Get fulltext
LEADER 01623 am a22001813u 4500
001 138157.2
042 |a dc 
100 1 0 |a White, Ariel R.  |e author 
100 1 0 |a Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Political Science  |e contributor 
700 1 0 |a Nguyen, Avery  |e author 
245 0 0 |a How often do people vote while incarcerated? Evidence from Maine and Vermont 
260 |b University of Chicago Press,   |c 2021-11-24T15:36:42Z. 
856 |z Get fulltext  |u https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/138157.2 
520 |a Recent debates about enfranchising incarcerated people raise the question of how many additional votes such policies would generate. Existing research finds very low voter participation among previously incarcerated people, but it remains unclear how often people might vote from prison if given the opportunity. We use data from states that allow people to vote while incarcerated for felony crimes, to address this question. We merge prison records with the voter file to estimate how many currently incarcerated people are registered and voted in recent elections. Estimates suggest very few (under one in 10) eligible incarcerated voters in Vermont and Maine voted in the 2018 election. Given the winning margins in other states' recent elections, these estimates suggest that enfranchising currently incarcerated people would likely not have changed these statewide election outcomes. We conclude that debates about enfranchisement should focus less on anticipated electoral effects and more on normative issues. 
546 |a en 
655 7 |a Article 
773 |t 10.1086/714927 
773 |t The Journal of Politics