Licensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern Hebrew
The dissertation investigates syntactic and semantic aspects of the indefinite pronoun system in Modern Hebrew and consists of an experimental part and a theoretical part. The experimental part presents the grammaticality judgment task conducted to test three theoretical questions: (1) the relation...
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ndltd-LACETR-oai-collectionscanada.gc.ca-OOU.-en#10393-199412013-01-11T13:32:47ZLicensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern HebrewTonciulescu, Keren C.Indefinite pronounsHebrewalternativessyntax-semantics interfaceHamblin semanticsThe dissertation investigates syntactic and semantic aspects of the indefinite pronoun system in Modern Hebrew and consists of an experimental part and a theoretical part. The experimental part presents the grammaticality judgment task conducted to test three theoretical questions: (1) the relation between negation and the licensing of AF `any' and KOL `any'; (2) the contrast between EYZE `some' and EYZESEHU `some' in terms of specificity; and (3) the correlation between syntactic position and free choice readings. Three main theoretical findings are contributed by this work. First, it is shown that from a typological viewpoint, Hebrew, a Semitic language, patterns with Romance and Germanic languages, rather than Japanese-type languages, in having indefinite pronouns specialized for particular operators available in the discourse. Second, the thesis proposes a novel unified syntax-semantics for KOL which accounts for its interpretational variability. Working with the Kratzer and Shimoyama (2002) framework where indefinite pronouns generate sets of individual alternatives, the semantics of a KOL--modified noun phrase is formalized as a variable and containing a restriction. When this restriction ranges over kinds, KOL receives a generic reading; when the restriction is over a contextually specified set of entities, KOL has an episodic reading. In these cases, the KOL--phrase moves to the argument position of a universal quantifier which binds the individual alternatives generated by the KOL--phrase. If KOL stays in situ, the individual alternatives are allowed to expand into propositional alternatives, resulting in the free choice reading. Third, I discuss the DP-internal structure of [eyze(N)se-hu (N)] and [(N) kol(N)se-hu], treating 'se-hu' as a CP. I propose that there is a correlation between the postnominal position and the free choice readings of these pronouns, suggesting that domain restrictions, usually derived in the semantics-pragmatics, may also be encoded in the syntax. If this hypothesis is on the right track, it could provide us with a better understanding of how and when in the process of language acquisition domain restrictions found with indefinite pronouns are acquired.2011-05-03T16:49:52Z2011-05-03T16:49:52Z20112011-05-03Thèse / Thesishttp://hdl.handle.net/10393/19941en |
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Indefinite pronouns Hebrew alternatives syntax-semantics interface Hamblin semantics |
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Indefinite pronouns Hebrew alternatives syntax-semantics interface Hamblin semantics Tonciulescu, Keren C. Licensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern Hebrew |
description |
The dissertation investigates syntactic and semantic aspects of the indefinite pronoun system in Modern Hebrew and consists of an experimental part and a theoretical part.
The experimental part presents the grammaticality judgment task conducted to test three theoretical questions: (1) the relation between negation and the licensing of AF `any' and KOL `any'; (2) the contrast between EYZE `some' and EYZESEHU `some' in terms of specificity; and (3) the correlation between syntactic position and free choice readings.
Three main theoretical findings are contributed by this work. First, it is shown that from a typological viewpoint, Hebrew, a Semitic language, patterns with Romance and Germanic languages, rather than Japanese-type languages, in having indefinite pronouns specialized for particular operators available in the discourse. Second, the thesis proposes a novel unified syntax-semantics for KOL which accounts for its interpretational variability. Working with the Kratzer and Shimoyama (2002) framework where indefinite pronouns generate sets of individual alternatives, the semantics of a KOL--modified noun phrase is formalized as a variable and containing a restriction. When this restriction ranges over kinds, KOL receives a generic reading; when the restriction is over a contextually specified set of entities, KOL has an episodic reading. In these cases, the KOL--phrase moves to the argument position of a universal quantifier which binds the individual alternatives generated by the KOL--phrase. If KOL stays in situ, the individual alternatives are allowed to expand into propositional alternatives, resulting in the free choice reading. Third, I discuss the DP-internal structure of [eyze(N)se-hu (N)] and [(N) kol(N)se-hu], treating 'se-hu' as a CP. I propose that there is a correlation between the postnominal position and the free choice readings of these pronouns, suggesting that domain restrictions, usually derived in the semantics-pragmatics, may also be encoded in the syntax. If this hypothesis is on the right track, it could provide us with a better understanding of how and when in the process of language acquisition domain restrictions found with indefinite pronouns are acquired. |
author |
Tonciulescu, Keren C. |
author_facet |
Tonciulescu, Keren C. |
author_sort |
Tonciulescu, Keren C. |
title |
Licensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern Hebrew |
title_short |
Licensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern Hebrew |
title_full |
Licensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern Hebrew |
title_fullStr |
Licensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern Hebrew |
title_full_unstemmed |
Licensing Conditions for Indefinite Pronouns in Modern Hebrew |
title_sort |
licensing conditions for indefinite pronouns in modern hebrew |
publishDate |
2011 |
url |
http://hdl.handle.net/10393/19941 |
work_keys_str_mv |
AT tonciulescukerenc licensingconditionsforindefinitepronounsinmodernhebrew |
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1716575411840745472 |