| Summary: | 碩士 === 國立中興大學 === 都市計劃研究所 === 86 === The economic growth in Taiwan after world warⅡis mainly as the stage of industrialization development , and Taiwan*s Government always see that as the modernization of Taiwan. As a result, it not only strong the conviction of the state to make progress with industrial policies and neglect the possible planning dimension but have the local culture lose the unique of locality becoming universal form of space. The cultural form of space of Hakka ethnicity in Taiwan is a obvious example.The research re-examine the local experiences of industrialization from a theoretical base of spatial views of points of political economy and anthropology. In other words, the research from the forms of state-function (polity, economy and ideology are included) and local-culture (historical context, natural environment and ethnicity) to examine the restructuring process of local cultural form of space. So the central argument of the study is that the state is the decision-centered of all social power, however, the local development is a process of entire historical constitunity, some restrictions of locality is the key for the transaction of spatial form. Therefore, within the same master framework, there are different cultural performances of space.As noted, the process of industrialization in Taiwan is formed on the base of agricultural squeezing. As a result of this development policy, the regional spatial structure in Taiwan towards to the pattern of uneven (polarization) development, and increases the relationship of city and rural destructured. The Hakka distribute over marginal area in Taiwan, so the economic structure highly perform agricultural society characters. Generally speaking, before 1970*s, the role and form of Hakka settlements show the state functional representation of space, after 1970*s , it transfer to ride by free competition of market.On the study of Neipu in Liu-Tui, between 1945 and 1980, the economic structure was conformed to the characters of spatial division arranged by the state, in other words it was a center of agricultural production under the state*s planning hegemony. Nevertheless, the mode of development of master framework in Neipu was cooperated with the state and local social organization. In fact, it was belonged to a contingent result of the state*s policies. As far as the commodification agricultural product emerging on late 1980*s, Neipu started the stage of capital accumulation. Above all, betelnut culture restructured Neipu*s form of abstract space and concrete space (everyday life) after 1990*s. Obviously, the restructuring power of betelnut culture performed at least three parts in Neipu. First was the built environment. Second was the local social organization, and the last was traditional culture activity.
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