Syllabification of Makung Southern Min: An Optimality Theory Analysis

碩士 === 國立高雄師範大學 === 英語學系 === 91 === Makung Southern Min has long been considered idiolect because of its specific phonemes, lexemes, and tone sandhi patterns. This is the reason the previous studies focused mainly on data collection. When dealing with the syllabification, a traditional sy...

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Bibliographic Details
Main Authors: Tsai Chih-kuang, 蔡志光
Other Authors: Raung-fu Chung
Format: Others
Language:en_US
Published: 2003
Online Access:http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/57667190861443616030
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Summary:碩士 === 國立高雄師範大學 === 英語學系 === 91 === Makung Southern Min has long been considered idiolect because of its specific phonemes, lexemes, and tone sandhi patterns. This is the reason the previous studies focused mainly on data collection. When dealing with the syllabification, a traditional syllable structure used to be the only choice. Such a theory is inadequate in differentiating VC from VG, in explaining labial dissimilation and nasal assimilation, and in proposing a complete set of phonotactic constraints. Therefore, the idiolect syllable performances in SMM are often regarded as free variations. The purpose of the study is to explore the syllabification of Makung Southern Min under the framework of Optimality Theory. We began the study by discussing the most unmarked phenomena: the Sonority Sequence Principle and the asymmetrical attitudes toward the CV and VC structures. The Sonority Sequence Principle helps construct the Southern Min syllable template and define the peak of the syllable. In Southern Min, either a single vowel or a rising diphthong is to occupy the position of the peak. In addition, there is only one slot for the post-peak segment. Thus we are able to differentiate a rising diphthong from a falling diphthong and to explain why the structure ui or iu is always considered a falling diphthong in the previous studies. Referring to the different attitudes between CV and VC, the former is preferable in natural languages, while the latter is much more restricted. This phenomenon is apparent in Southern Min. In the following steps, we try to figure out the constraints percolating within each marked domain. In SMM, there is no deletion for the peak. This higher ranked constraint makes SMM and other sub-dialects different. At last, the Southern Min contraction is discussed. . The contracted forms provide empirical examples for us to observe the mechanism of phonotactic constraints. Under the framework of Optimality Theory, the syllabification of SMM is constructed with an explanatory set of hierarchically ranking constraints. The differences between SMM and other sub-dialects result from different ranking hierarchies, instead of free variations.