The analysis of mainland policy taken by Chen Shui-Bian administration (2000-2004)

碩士 === 淡江大學 === 中國大陸研究所 === 92 === On March 18, 2000 the tenth President and Vice President were elected by popular vote. Chen Shui-Bian and Annette Lu, both nominated by the DPP succeeded in realizing the unprecedented party realignment in history by getting 39.3% of the vote turnout. As a result...

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Main Authors: Chu, Hsien-Ming, 朱顯名
Other Authors: Dr.Pan, Shi-Tang
Format: Others
Language:zh-TW
Published: 2004
Online Access:http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/94985794990950871810
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description 碩士 === 淡江大學 === 中國大陸研究所 === 92 === On March 18, 2000 the tenth President and Vice President were elected by popular vote. Chen Shui-Bian and Annette Lu, both nominated by the DPP succeeded in realizing the unprecedented party realignment in history by getting 39.3% of the vote turnout. As a result, the ruling KMT became an opposition party. And the cross-strait relation and mainland China policy presented a landmark challenge to the presidential election gainers. The Beijing regime took a stance of “listening to his words and watching his deeds” toward the Chen Shui-Bian administration. It pointed out that “ China is the only legal government in the world; Taiwan is an integral part of China. And the election outcome can not change this fact.” “Peaceful unification” goes hand in hand with the one China policy. Any form of Taiwan independence is unacceptable to China, which would not only listen to the Taiwan’s political leader’s words but watch his deeds. Despite Chen Shui-Bian’s goodwill in his talks and mainland policy, Communist China still uses the strategies of so-called “difference in domestic and foreign policies,” and “soft words; a big stick.” Its policy keynote is that Taiwan should recognize “one China,” and accept “once country, two systems,” which, though, is pledged to last for fifty years. For since 1984, red China has held that “one country, two systems” is the sole policy of resolving the Taiwan question. Since Taiwan and China entered WTO respectively, the economic and trade ties between them have increasingly becoming stronger and stronger. The investment of Taiwan capital has been mainly focused on high-tech industries. With the increase of Taiwan’s investment, the economic interaction between the two sides has been becoming more and more active. However, the crisis of Taiwan’s marginalization has emerged; thus the Taiwan administration takes direct links into serious account. Taiwan merchants hold that “as businessmen, we are only concerned about business,” and that “merchants have no mother country.” In addition, the cultural interaction between the two sides across the Taiwan strait has been deepened all right, but Taiwan’s foreign affairs have been blocked by communist China. So Taiwan seeks to elevate its own position in the international community, preventing itself from China’s assimilation. The Beijing regime has been uneasy about Chen Shui-Bian opaque stance towards the “one China policy,” even thinking that Chen Shui-Bian mainland policy is unrealistic. And after Taiwan proclaimed “one side, one country,” Chou Ming-wei, deputy director of the Taiwan affairs office of State Department, said that “Although Beijing still keeps the promise of three direct links, the era of “listening to A-Bian’s words, watching his deeds,” has been ended. The central government officially brings any fantasy about Chen Shui-Bian to an end.” Thus, Chen Shui-Bian lost his dominant position of influencing the relation between the two sides of the Taiwan strait. Comprehensively speaking, the ruling party’s policies depend on its political context. So it’s debatable whether Chen Shui-Bian’ mainland policy is opportunistic or opaque. And it’s checkable whether his mainland policy is positively echoed by Beijing regime. This study is designed to discuss the context of Chen Shui-Bian administration’s mainland policy, the influence of DPP’s China policy on the official mainland policy, Chen Shui-Bian strategic operation on mainland policy, Chen Shui-Bian positioning theory of the two sides across the Taiwan’s strait as well as its strategic connotation, Chen Shui-Bian interflow policy as well as its effect, Chen Shui-Bian resuming talk as well as its strategic connotation, Chen Shui-Bian mainland policy’s influence on communist China’s Taiwan policy as well as the relation between the two sides, the triangle relations among America, China, and Taiwan, etc. These questions are indeed my motivation for this study. In addition, the main purposes of this study are stated below: 1.Does the DPP’s China policy influence Chen Shui-Bian mainland policy? How does the government’s strategic operation influence mainland policies? 2.What is the positioning theory of the two sides presented since Chen Shui-Bian inauguration? And its strategic connotation? And its influence on the relations between the two sides? 3.What are the interflow policies of the Chen Shui-Bian administration? How about its effect? 4.What are Chen Shui-Bian administration’s talk resuming policies as well as their strategic connotation? 5.How does Chen Shui-Bian administration mainland policy
author2 Dr.Pan, Shi-Tang
author_facet Dr.Pan, Shi-Tang
Chu, Hsien-Ming
朱顯名
author Chu, Hsien-Ming
朱顯名
spellingShingle Chu, Hsien-Ming
朱顯名
The analysis of mainland policy taken by Chen Shui-Bian administration (2000-2004)
author_sort Chu, Hsien-Ming
title The analysis of mainland policy taken by Chen Shui-Bian administration (2000-2004)
title_short The analysis of mainland policy taken by Chen Shui-Bian administration (2000-2004)
title_full The analysis of mainland policy taken by Chen Shui-Bian administration (2000-2004)
title_fullStr The analysis of mainland policy taken by Chen Shui-Bian administration (2000-2004)
title_full_unstemmed The analysis of mainland policy taken by Chen Shui-Bian administration (2000-2004)
title_sort analysis of mainland policy taken by chen shui-bian administration (2000-2004)
publishDate 2004
url http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/94985794990950871810
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spelling ndltd-TW-092TKU000250152016-06-15T04:16:51Z http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/94985794990950871810 The analysis of mainland policy taken by Chen Shui-Bian administration (2000-2004) 陳水扁政府大陸政策之研究(二000-二00四) Chu, Hsien-Ming 朱顯名 碩士 淡江大學 中國大陸研究所 92 On March 18, 2000 the tenth President and Vice President were elected by popular vote. Chen Shui-Bian and Annette Lu, both nominated by the DPP succeeded in realizing the unprecedented party realignment in history by getting 39.3% of the vote turnout. As a result, the ruling KMT became an opposition party. And the cross-strait relation and mainland China policy presented a landmark challenge to the presidential election gainers. The Beijing regime took a stance of “listening to his words and watching his deeds” toward the Chen Shui-Bian administration. It pointed out that “ China is the only legal government in the world; Taiwan is an integral part of China. And the election outcome can not change this fact.” “Peaceful unification” goes hand in hand with the one China policy. Any form of Taiwan independence is unacceptable to China, which would not only listen to the Taiwan’s political leader’s words but watch his deeds. Despite Chen Shui-Bian’s goodwill in his talks and mainland policy, Communist China still uses the strategies of so-called “difference in domestic and foreign policies,” and “soft words; a big stick.” Its policy keynote is that Taiwan should recognize “one China,” and accept “once country, two systems,” which, though, is pledged to last for fifty years. For since 1984, red China has held that “one country, two systems” is the sole policy of resolving the Taiwan question. Since Taiwan and China entered WTO respectively, the economic and trade ties between them have increasingly becoming stronger and stronger. The investment of Taiwan capital has been mainly focused on high-tech industries. With the increase of Taiwan’s investment, the economic interaction between the two sides has been becoming more and more active. However, the crisis of Taiwan’s marginalization has emerged; thus the Taiwan administration takes direct links into serious account. Taiwan merchants hold that “as businessmen, we are only concerned about business,” and that “merchants have no mother country.” In addition, the cultural interaction between the two sides across the Taiwan strait has been deepened all right, but Taiwan’s foreign affairs have been blocked by communist China. So Taiwan seeks to elevate its own position in the international community, preventing itself from China’s assimilation. The Beijing regime has been uneasy about Chen Shui-Bian opaque stance towards the “one China policy,” even thinking that Chen Shui-Bian mainland policy is unrealistic. And after Taiwan proclaimed “one side, one country,” Chou Ming-wei, deputy director of the Taiwan affairs office of State Department, said that “Although Beijing still keeps the promise of three direct links, the era of “listening to A-Bian’s words, watching his deeds,” has been ended. The central government officially brings any fantasy about Chen Shui-Bian to an end.” Thus, Chen Shui-Bian lost his dominant position of influencing the relation between the two sides of the Taiwan strait. Comprehensively speaking, the ruling party’s policies depend on its political context. So it’s debatable whether Chen Shui-Bian’ mainland policy is opportunistic or opaque. And it’s checkable whether his mainland policy is positively echoed by Beijing regime. This study is designed to discuss the context of Chen Shui-Bian administration’s mainland policy, the influence of DPP’s China policy on the official mainland policy, Chen Shui-Bian strategic operation on mainland policy, Chen Shui-Bian positioning theory of the two sides across the Taiwan’s strait as well as its strategic connotation, Chen Shui-Bian interflow policy as well as its effect, Chen Shui-Bian resuming talk as well as its strategic connotation, Chen Shui-Bian mainland policy’s influence on communist China’s Taiwan policy as well as the relation between the two sides, the triangle relations among America, China, and Taiwan, etc. These questions are indeed my motivation for this study. In addition, the main purposes of this study are stated below: 1.Does the DPP’s China policy influence Chen Shui-Bian mainland policy? How does the government’s strategic operation influence mainland policies? 2.What is the positioning theory of the two sides presented since Chen Shui-Bian inauguration? And its strategic connotation? And its influence on the relations between the two sides? 3.What are the interflow policies of the Chen Shui-Bian administration? How about its effect? 4.What are Chen Shui-Bian administration’s talk resuming policies as well as their strategic connotation? 5.How does Chen Shui-Bian administration mainland policy Dr.Pan, Shi-Tang 潘錫堂 2004 學位論文 ; thesis 284 zh-TW