| Summary: | 碩士 === 淡江大學 === 中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班 === 99 === According to various estimates, at present there are approximately more than thirty million overseas Chinese. Compared with other nations’ groups that have emigrated, the number of ancestrally Chinese people abroad ranks first in the world. Overseas Chinese people control nearly two trillion dollars in funds and their influence in every part of the world should not be underestimated, and this great Chinese migration has become a source of competition between both sides of the strait. The vast majority of countries, the U.S. included, handles affairs pertaining to their citizens abroad via the organ of the State Dept., or the department of foreign affairs when discussing other countries— but only the Taiwanese and Chinese governments have established independent agencies, separate from their departments of foreign affairs, specifically to communicate with and help their respective expatriate abroad, thus illustrating the importance of these overseas citizens’ affairs and work to Taiwan and China.
Due to complexities and particularities involving the cross-strait relationship, in its current phase, the biggest problem Taiwan is facing is that China not only is investing manpower and money on a large scale abroad, but also is employing nationalist sentiment, ideology, and the unification or independence question to manufacture contradiction and division within overseas Taiwanese and Chinese communities, and on the educational front--i.e. Chinese schools, universities, etc.-- they are staging a well-orchestrated and multi-faceted offensive to recruit support. In recent years, China has been supporting the “Associations for the promotion of peaceful reunification of China” everywhere around the world, thus creating considerable pressure for the Taiwanese OCA. The aforementioned associations coordinate the Chinese unity war offensive and are against the admission of Taiwan into the United Nations and other international organizations. At the same time, these associations are also responsible for liaison with local governments, causing diplomatic pressure for the Taiwanese government. Therefore, the OCA not only has an influence on Taiwan’s diplomatic state of affairs, but it also affects the interactions and the way events unfold between Taiwan and China in the international community.
To properly respond to this trend of events, an in-depth analysis of the way the organizations on the two sides of the strait handle the OCA and of cross-strait OCA policies is necessary, and then compare the two; also, we must seek out the most ideal situation for Taiwan, and strengthen and reinforce the expansion of its OCA program. As to the fact that China now enjoys superiority in terms of the OCA, we should seek a countermeasure to ensure a sustainable development for our own OCA program, which in fact is the motivation of this paper.
The main topic of the present paper is to draw a comparison of the cross-strait OCA organizations and their policies. In primis, the research motivation and purpose of this paper is to define the basic concepts, to facilitate follow-up studies and to consult dissertations concerning apt research methods so as to formulate the most fluid and effective approach to carrying out this study. In order to facilitate historical data collection and its analysis, clear boundaries for time and space and other parameters should be set and we should try to overcome the obstacles and restrictions that might be encountered during the research.
Based on "historical research" methods, the literature will be reviewed and analyzed; literature analytical methods, historical methods of investigation, comparative studies methodologies et al. will be used to analyze the past, explain the present and predict the future. To understand China’s OCA policies and their impact on Taiwan, the literature data will be organized, reviewed, analyzed and compared, and conclusions and recommendations will be drawn, in the hope that it may serve as reference for future follow-up research.
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