The Impact of Mainland China''s East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone On the Security of East Asia

碩士 === 淡江大學 === 國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班 === 107 === Since the " August 23rd Artillery Battle in 1958 " East Asia, it has developed steadily for nearly 40 years, creating a high-growth economic momentum. Mainland China has seized the opportunity and has sharpened the overall national strength.The...

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Bibliographic Details
Main Authors: Ming-Chun Chen, 陳銘君
Other Authors: CHIEH-CHENG HUANG
Format: Others
Language:zh-TW
Published: 2019
Online Access:http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/u4w474
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Summary:碩士 === 淡江大學 === 國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班 === 107 === Since the " August 23rd Artillery Battle in 1958 " East Asia, it has developed steadily for nearly 40 years, creating a high-growth economic momentum. Mainland China has seized the opportunity and has sharpened the overall national strength.The relationship between the United States and China''s new power has taken shape. China''s pursuit of the status of a world power while building world-class military power, economic capabilities and maintaining the integrity of the territory is the prior concern for the country.Since the "nationalization" of Diaoyutai in Japan in 2012, the Mainland China has demarcated the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone in 2013, which has affected China, the United States, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. East Asian regional security seem precarious, for one thing, Mainland China and Japan have far-reaching cultural origins and complex historical pains; for another, the transfer of power between China and the United States. As the master of the world''s power center, the United States, if it can suppress the formation of potential hegemony, or use the international norms to understand the status quo, is not only in line with the national interests of the United States, but also the core of maintaining a stable world power. If the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone is designed to make a big move with the Mainland China, it is not in the interests of both the United States and China. The probability of conflict between China and Japan is far higher than the probability of conflict between China and the United States. The study found that since the Nationalization of Diaoyutai was announced in Japan in 2012, Mainland China has designated the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone in 2013 without prior warning. Since then, the Mainland China has routinely dispatched aircraft and ships to carry out routine activities in the identified areas of its design. The cruise has put Japan under a lot of pressure, and the relationship between China and Japan has swayed to the bottom. Japan has also taken precautions against the threat posed by mainland China in response to China’s airspace (air defense identification zone) infringing on the annual increase in defense and defense budget. Since Mainland China has been committed to economic development in recent years and has had interdependent economic interests with the United States and Japan, it can only drive Japan back to "shelving disputes, joint development, and mutual benefit" through the game behavior of the sea and air surrounding the East China Sea.2018 is the 40th anniversary of the signing of the Sino-Japanese Treaty of Peace and Friendship. Mainland China also lowered the frequency of cruise in the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone in 2017. The relationship between China and Japan has been to the freezing point in 2012 due to the "nationalization" of Diaoyutai. The two sides released goodwill, which gradually warmed up the relationship, and finally hoped for the spring in 2018. Therefore, the regional tension caused by the study of the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone is not a security crisis in East Asia; and the demarcation of the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone is not the trigger for the armed conflicts between the United States, China and Japan, because the loss of national interest for the three parties cannot be estimated.