Definiteness marking in Moroccan Arabic : contact, divergence, and semantic change

The aim of the present study is to cast new light on the nature of definiteness marking in Moroccan Arabic (MA). Previous work on the dialect group has described its definiteness system as similar to that of other Arabic varieties, where indefinite entities are unmarked and a "definite article&...

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Main Author: Turner, Michael Lee
Format: Others
Language:en_US
Published: 2013
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Online Access:http://hdl.handle.net/2152/21189
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spelling ndltd-UTEXAS-oai-repositories.lib.utexas.edu-2152-211892015-09-20T17:15:16ZDefiniteness marking in Moroccan Arabic : contact, divergence, and semantic changeTurner, Michael LeeArabicLinguisticsMoroccan ArabicMoroccoDefinitenessGivennessBerberLanguage contactSemanticsSyntaxNorth AfricaArticlesThe aim of the present study is to cast new light on the nature of definiteness marking in Moroccan Arabic (MA). Previous work on the dialect group has described its definiteness system as similar to that of other Arabic varieties, where indefinite entities are unmarked and a "definite article" /l-/ modifies nouns to convey a definite meaning. Such descriptions, however, do not fully account for the behavior of MA nouns in spontaneous natural speech, as found in the small self-collected corpus that informs the study: on one hand, /l-/ can and regularly does co-occur with indefinite meanings; on the other, a number of nouns can exhibit definiteness even in the absence of /l-/. In response to these challenges, the study puts forth an alternate synchronic description the system, arguing that the historical definite article */l-/ has in fact lost its association with definiteness and has instead become lexicalized into an unmarked form of the noun that can appear in any number of semantic contexts. Relatedly, the study argues that the historically indefinite form *Ø has come under heavy syntactic constraints and can best be described as derived from the new unmarked form via a process of phonologically conditioned disfixation, represented {- /l/}. At the same time, MA has also apparently retained an older particle ši and developed an article waħəd, both of which can be used to express different types of indefinite meanings. To support the plausibility of this new description, the study turns to the linguistic history of definiteness in MA, describing how a combination of internal and external impetuses for change likely pushed the dialect toward article loss, a development upon which semantic reanalysis and syntactic restructuring of other forms then followed. If the claim that MA no longer overtly marks definiteness is indeed correct, the study could have a significant impact on work that used previous MA descriptions to make grammaticality judgments, as well as be of value to future work on processes of grammaticalization and language contact.text2013-09-12T19:48:25Z2013-082013-09-05August 20132013-09-12T19:48:26Zapplication/pdfhttp://hdl.handle.net/2152/21189en_US
collection NDLTD
language en_US
format Others
sources NDLTD
topic Arabic
Linguistics
Moroccan Arabic
Morocco
Definiteness
Givenness
Berber
Language contact
Semantics
Syntax
North Africa
Articles
spellingShingle Arabic
Linguistics
Moroccan Arabic
Morocco
Definiteness
Givenness
Berber
Language contact
Semantics
Syntax
North Africa
Articles
Turner, Michael Lee
Definiteness marking in Moroccan Arabic : contact, divergence, and semantic change
description The aim of the present study is to cast new light on the nature of definiteness marking in Moroccan Arabic (MA). Previous work on the dialect group has described its definiteness system as similar to that of other Arabic varieties, where indefinite entities are unmarked and a "definite article" /l-/ modifies nouns to convey a definite meaning. Such descriptions, however, do not fully account for the behavior of MA nouns in spontaneous natural speech, as found in the small self-collected corpus that informs the study: on one hand, /l-/ can and regularly does co-occur with indefinite meanings; on the other, a number of nouns can exhibit definiteness even in the absence of /l-/. In response to these challenges, the study puts forth an alternate synchronic description the system, arguing that the historical definite article */l-/ has in fact lost its association with definiteness and has instead become lexicalized into an unmarked form of the noun that can appear in any number of semantic contexts. Relatedly, the study argues that the historically indefinite form *Ø has come under heavy syntactic constraints and can best be described as derived from the new unmarked form via a process of phonologically conditioned disfixation, represented {- /l/}. At the same time, MA has also apparently retained an older particle ši and developed an article waħəd, both of which can be used to express different types of indefinite meanings. To support the plausibility of this new description, the study turns to the linguistic history of definiteness in MA, describing how a combination of internal and external impetuses for change likely pushed the dialect toward article loss, a development upon which semantic reanalysis and syntactic restructuring of other forms then followed. If the claim that MA no longer overtly marks definiteness is indeed correct, the study could have a significant impact on work that used previous MA descriptions to make grammaticality judgments, as well as be of value to future work on processes of grammaticalization and language contact. === text
author Turner, Michael Lee
author_facet Turner, Michael Lee
author_sort Turner, Michael Lee
title Definiteness marking in Moroccan Arabic : contact, divergence, and semantic change
title_short Definiteness marking in Moroccan Arabic : contact, divergence, and semantic change
title_full Definiteness marking in Moroccan Arabic : contact, divergence, and semantic change
title_fullStr Definiteness marking in Moroccan Arabic : contact, divergence, and semantic change
title_full_unstemmed Definiteness marking in Moroccan Arabic : contact, divergence, and semantic change
title_sort definiteness marking in moroccan arabic : contact, divergence, and semantic change
publishDate 2013
url http://hdl.handle.net/2152/21189
work_keys_str_mv AT turnermichaellee definitenessmarkinginmoroccanarabiccontactdivergenceandsemanticchange
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